The historical rupture provoked by the economic crisis that broke out in February-March 2020 with the Covid pandemic has two main practical consequences: the aggravation, still largely in the making even if already well advanced, of the conditions of exploitation of wage labor, of the proletarian class, and of the generalized misery on all the continents, starting with the poorest; and the increased exacerbation of the competition between capitals and, therefore, of imperialist rivalries of all kinds. As a result, the pushes for generalized imperialist war are exerting increased pressure on each national bourgeoisie, starting with the most powerful ones, to the point that the contours of a developing military and ideological polarization seem to be emerging around the United States on the one hand, grouping together the so-called democratic imperialist powers, and China on the other, behind which the so-called illiberal powers would align themselves. A race has begun between the dynamics of generalized war and the thus far very reduced, far too much for our liking, capacity of the international proletariat to develop its struggles and thus present the world with the perspective of communism. The alternative of revolution or war, with war in particular predominating for the time being, are becoming material facts in the making that dictate the course of events more and more.

It is in this situation that the IGCL has just adopted a new political platform. This peculiar fact cannot be a mere contingency. We are convinced that it responds to a necessity imposed by the new historical situation. Because we are armed with historical materialism, we even believe that the adoption of this platform by a political expression of the proletariat, in this case the IGCL, is another element, product and factor, of the situation that is emerging. We do not doubt that this affirmation will elicit a smile from many comrades and readers who do not share our positions, especially on the party as the political vanguard of the proletariat and the highest expression of class consciousness, and mocking derision from those who are hostile to us. The gap between the static and immediate reality – that of very small nuclei of militants – of the IGCL and of the whole proletarian camp, that is to say the communist groups, on the one hand, and on the other hand the historical stakes, is of such a magnitude and vertiginous depth, that our affirmation can only appear as totally far-fetched and megalomaniacal.

Let us reassure all those who would not want to read our document seriously about our mental state. We are well aware of our own weaknesses, those of the proletarian camp in general and those of the international proletariat today. None of our members claims to be a genius or a historical leader who will enlighten the world. In fact, 99.9% of our platform is simply a historical re-appropriation of the tradition and positions of the Communist Left in light of the experiences to date. The 0.1% – if not the 0.01% – that remains and may appear as new, is only the result of the historical evolution and of our own debates and struggles, which were regularly reported by this publication [1] since the constitution of the IGCL in 2013. In this sense, this platform is the result of a political collective, not a sum of militants, let alone particular individuals.

The adoption of a platform responding to the stakes of the 2000s was more and more necessary, if only because of the inadequacies and limitations of the platforms of the 1970s (ICC) and 1980s (ICT), limitations which debates and discussions with comrades who wanted to get closer to and adhere to our group had largely brought to light. The rupture of 2020 urgently required its elaboration, discussion and adoption. That is why we say that it is a historical product. This platform intends to answer the historically crucial question posed to the proletariat: the constitution of its party in relation to the class principles, positions and frontiers, first of all those of the insurrection and proletarian dictatorship, in view of the massive class confrontations that the historical rupture precipitates; as well as to provide the programmatic framework to define in the best possible way the tactics, orientations and slogans of the political leadership in these confrontations, in the mass strikes to come. That’s why we say that it is a real factor of the dynamic balance of power between proletariat and bourgeoisie. It will interpellate the existing communist groups, especially those claiming to be of the Communist Left and belonging to the pro-party forces as Lenin called them, as well as the still isolated militants. That is why we say that it is already a moment and an actor in the fight for the party.

The International Group of the Communist Left, actually fraction of the communist camp, has acquired the fundamental tool to lead the battle for the party and to make the political leadership of the proletariat as effective as possible in the coming historical drama. That is why we submit our platform to study and criticism by all the communist groups and militants, the whole proletarian camp, in the light of the historical stakes that are presented.